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"https://indiapolicypeak.com/blog/wp-includes/js/jquery/jquery-migrate.min.js?ver=3.4.1", "https://indiapolicypeak.com/blog/wp-content/plugins/ultimate-social-media-icons/js/shuffle/modernizr.custom.min.js?ver=6.5.7" ], "httpBodyMetaTags": { "og:description": "There is no question about the need to simplify labour laws, but a hire and fire policy may not be what the doctor ordered for the manufacturing sector.\n\n\n\nSince the shift of the Indian economy to a market-driven, open economy in 1991, manufacturing has been losing its share in GDP – from 16.6 per cent in 1990 to 13.7 per cent in 2019, except for two years (2009-10). It has failed to function efficiently in a competitive market system. Over-regulation and rigid labour laws are widely regarded as major impediments to their growth and competitiveness. Indeed, as a Team Lease (India’s largest temping agency) study has brought out, India has a complex legal regime, governing labour-capital relations with 463 Acts, 3,2542 compliances and 3,048 filings. Several other studies have also argued that the multiplicity of complex labour regulations and the cumbersome nature of compliances act as a barrier to the sector’s growth. A rigid regime constrains the manufacturing sector and adds to high transaction costs.\n\n\n\nTo promote a transparent and simplified system to suit the contemporary business environment and facilitate ease of doing businesses without compromising labour welfare, the Centre has brought in a series of labour law reforms. Based on the recommendations of the Second Labour Commission (1999), 29 labour laws have been consolidated into four codes. These are the Wage Code dealing with fixation of the minimum wage; Social Security Code setting thresholds for social security schemes; Industrial Relations Code dealing with the classification of workers, provisions for registration of trade unions, unfair labour practices, lay-offs and retrenchment and resolution of industrial disputes and Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code specifying safety standards and working conditions.\n\n\n\nThis article discusses a few salient features of the Industrial Relations Code (IR Code) that are directed towards enhancing the efficiency and competitiveness of the manufacturing sector while maintaining labour welfare.\n\n\n\nBroadly speaking, by modifying, revising and widening the definition of “industry”, “employer”, “employee”, “worker”, “strike”, “retrenchment”, “settlement” and various “threshold numbers”, the IR Code has sought to bring a paradigm shift in labour laws at one level and in employee-employer relations at another.\n\n\n\nThe obligatory requirement of industrial establishments to take prior permission of the government before lay-offs, retrenchment and closure have been hugely relaxed by raising the threshold level of workers from 100 or more to 300 or more. Appropriate government initiative could even increase the threshold to higher numbers, by notification. Again, prior permission has been exempted if the lay-off is due to shortage of power, natural calamity, and in the case of a mine, if the lay-off is due to fire, flood, and excess of inflammable gas or explosion. Further, the concept of “deemed approval” has been introduced in case the appropriate government does not respond to the application seeking permission within 60 days.\n\n\n\nWidening the scope of “retrenchment” in the IR Code would allow employers to practice arbitrary retrenchment and lay-offs. This would create a sense of insecurity among workers even with the provision for time-bound and defined compensation in lieu of retrenchment.\n\n\n\nThe IR code has introduced a new category of employment, “fixed-term employment”, which will enjoy the same benefits including gratuity as given to the permanent workers. This will give flexibility to industrial establishments to hire seasonal workers according to their requirements. There will be scope for shifting work and activities from permanent to fixed-term since no objective criteria are laid down for any minimum or maximum period nor any ceiling on the successive use of fixed-term contracts. “Contract labour” has been defined in the Social Security Code but it does not find any mention in the IR Code.\n\n\n\n“Recognition of Negotiating Trade Union” in the IR Code has sought to streamline the negotiating processes within a time frame by removing complexities and minimising the number of trade unions. Stricter requirements for the recognition of trade union would reduce the collective bargaining power of workers.\n\n\n\nUnder the provisions of the IR Code, dispute resolution between an employer and employee shall be dealt through arbitration on the basis of a written agreement. This will be governed by the procedure under the Code. The IR Code prescribes a two-year limit for the conciliation officer to take an industrial dispute matter into conciliation, which might not be enough in many circumstances. Two-member industrial tribunals and the national industrial tribunal with one judicial and one administrative member will replace the existing multiple adjudicating bodies like the court of inquiry, board of conciliation and labour courts\n\n\n\nFurther, various essential aspects of the law such as the increase in the threshold for lay-offs, retrenchment, and closure could now be done through rule-making. This means the Central and state governments can always play around the threshold limits.\n\n\n\nTrade Unions have observed that the IR codes are not labour friendly and there is a clear attempt to diminish the role of trade unions. The codes will place more than 74 per cent of industrial workers and 70 per cent of industrial establishments under the “hire and fire regime” at the will of the employers; even forming a trade union will be extremely difficult; there will be a virtual ban on workers’ right to strike and even collectively agitate for their grievances and demands.\n\n\n\nIndeed, the IR Code seems to have been designed in a way that it would encourage negotiation between employee and employer on an individual basis and thereby reduce the role of collective bargaining by labour unions. The many one-sided concessions and waivers given to employers will not be conducive to achieving labour welfare. With power being given to the Central and state governments to dilute or waive off certain clauses, there could be greater complexity in law enforcement due to the presence of different laws in different states.\n\n\n\nOverall, the IR code has given enormous flexibility to employers while commodifying labour. This is based on the premise that the flexible labour regime would enhance the competitiveness of the manufacturing sector. There are elements in the IR codes that would lead to labour insecurity. This will undermine the loyalty and commitment of labour, and consequently, productivity.\n\n\n\nThe larger question is whether the current conditions are conducive for such drastic labour reform. It is a time when millions have lost their jobs due to a sudden lockdown. The share of labour compensation in the national income in India has been declining from 38.5 per cent in 1981 to 35.4 per cent in 2013 (ILO, India Wage report). Automation and the greater use of technology in manufacturing have impacted labour demand. Given the contraction of the economy by 23.9 per cent in the first quarter, a demand push, not wage decline, is what is urgently needed to spur the economy.\n\n\n\nOverall, reforming and simplifying labour laws are very much needed but a hire and fire regime will not fix the problems nor unleash the desired level of efficiency in the manufacturing sector. In reality, the Indian manufacturing sector has many other challenges including those related to land, capital and technology. Therefore, in the name of reforms, the rights of labour should not be compromised by clipping the wings of trade unions.\n\n\n\nSource: Indian Express, 28 December 2020" }, "httpBodyByteSize": 66235, "httpBodyPageTitle": "Labour – The India Policy Peak" }, "/blog/?cat=39": { "date": "2026-02-08T14:19:50Z", "httpProtocol": "http/1.1, tls/1.3", "httpStatus": 200, "ipAddress": "65.2.103.45", "ipASN": "Amazon.com, Inc.", "ipCountry": "India", "httpHeaderHash": "OEXF5HV3ZUE6CS46FYGOZ5NKAICUZWZ7", "httpHeaderTechnologies": [ "PHP", "MySQL", "WordPress", "Apache HTTP Server" ], "httpHeaderUrls": [], "httpHeaderByteSize": 471, "httpBodyHash": "SPLLKSISFJY7UOCRT65VLH77AEZSASR6", "httpBodyTechnologies": [ "UltimatelySocial", "WP-Statistics:13.1.4", "MySQL", "jQuery", "FitVids.JS:1.1", "imagesLoaded:5.0.0", "Magnific Popup:1.1.0", "jQuery Migrate:3.4.1", "Redux Framework:4.2.7", "PHP", "Modernizr", "WordPress:6.5.7" ], "httpBodyUrls": [ "https://indiapolicypeak.com/blog/?tag=employment", 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"https://indiapolicypeak.com/blog/wp-content/themes/goblog/css/magnific-popup.css?ver=6.5.7", "https://indiapolicypeak.com/blog/wp-content/themes/goblog/js/jquery.magnific-popup.min.js?ver=1.1.0", "https://indiapolicypeak.com/blog/?m=202201" ], "httpBodyMetaTags": { "og:description": "Budget 2022-23 has to be framed under the shadow of three sets of pressing issues. One relates to the devastating economic impact of Covid-19, the second to restoring growth and putting the economy on a higher growth trajectory and the other to a few major issues emanating from the above two needing urgent government attention.\n\n\n\nCovid-19 exposed utter inadequacy in health infrastructure and health personnel in the country. This is not the first pandemic nor is it going to be the last. The first two decades of the twenty first century alone have witnessed five other pandemics: SARS (2002-03), H1N1 Influenza (2009), Swine influenza (2009), Middle East Respiratory Syndrome termed as MERS (2009) and ZIKA (2013). But Covid-19 is the worst, comparable to the Spanish flu that occurred a century ago in1918 and infected an estimated 500 million people and killed an estimated 20-50 million. Climatologists are of the view that with warming up of the globe, several of the dormant viruses could get activated and cause similar pandemic. This calls for putting in place adequate health infrastructure and properly trained health personnel on firm footing all across the country.\n\n\n\nIt is also important to note that at the United Nations General Assembly in September 2019, just a few months prior to the pandemic, all countries endorsed the Political Declaration on Universal Health Coverage (UHC), affirming that “health is a precondition for and an outcome and indicator of the social, economic and environmental dimensions of sustainable development and the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.” It is also noteworthy that UHC does not mean just “health care” provided by health workers in health facilities; it includes all those services that promote health and prevent disease at the population level—outbreak surveillance, safe water, and sanitation etc. just to give a few examples. Thus UHC has many benefits beyond treating diseases that include improved health security and better protection against the ravages of future pandemics and epidemics. As the IMF in one of its papers has noted that “No country has made significant progress toward UHC without relying on public monies as its main funding source.”\n\n\n\nThe pandemic ravaged the Indian economy leading to its contraction of 7.3 % in 2021 fiscal. However, it is estimated to grow at 9.2% in 2021-22. While this is encouraging, the growth of GDP at constant (2011-12) prices was only 1.25% over 2019-20 leaving aside the loss of growth during the preceding two years. Restoring growth and putting the economy at a higher growth trajectory is very challenging. For, most growth determinants declined even prior to the pre-pandemic period. For example, the investment rate declined to 32.2% in 2019-20 from 39.0% in 2011-12. So did the gross fixed capital formation to 28.9% from 34.3% in the corresponding period. Gross Savings rate also declined from 35% to 30%. What is more, household sector savings declined to 17.2% from 23.6%. Similarly, the non-food credit growth declined to mere 6%.from 14% in 2011-12. Even pandemic stimulus including corporation tax reduction provided which were mostly supply side oriented is yet to make any significant impact on growth.\n\n\n\nOf three drivers of GDP, viz. consumption, investment and export, consumption, is a major driver of the Indian economy but private consumption is far below the pre-pandemic level. It is understandable. The informal sector contributing about 50% of GDP and 91 % of total employment suffered a heavy loss in income and employment first due to demonetization and then lockdown to contain Covid-19. The stimulus package for MSME did not recognize the overwhelming existence of micro enterprises accounting for more than 99% of the MSMEs. As a result, it failed to provide any significant relief to the micro enterprises.\n\n\n\nAccording to CMIE, unemployment increased to 14.5% in the week ended May 16, 2021 and it is high in rural areas also. The Global Hunger Index that considers four indicators: undernourishment, child stunting, child wasting and child mortality, placed India at 101 in 2021 compared to 95 just a year ago.\n\n\n\nLockdown further brought to the fore the visibility of massive urban migrant labour and their miserable conditions. They require assured shelter and social security.\n\n\n\nThe ‘State of Working in India 2021’ report of Azim Premji University revealed that poverty increased during the first wave. It estimated that the pandemic would push 230 million people into poverty. CMIE also observed that in the week ended May 16, 2021, around 90% of households reported a loss of income compared to a year ego. What is worse, inflation that hurts the poor most is rising-RBI has projected CPI inflation at 5.7% for the January-March quarter of 2022.\n\n\n\nAt another level, income distribution exacerbated during the pandemic. Profit share rose while wage share slumped. In fact, the quarterly net profit of the BSE 200 companies reached a record high of Rs.1.67 trillion in the third quarter of FY21-up by 57% year-on-year. Lucas Chancel in World Inequality Report coordinated by Thomas Piketty noted that top 1% of India’s population earned 21.7% of the country’s national income in 2021 while the bottom 50% made just 13.1 %. Similarly, top 1% own 33% of the country’s wealth compared to 31.7% previously while the bottom 50% does 5.9%, down from 6% earlier.\n\n\n\nTo address issues such as above would require appropriate policy design at one level and massive public expenditure at another. But the fiscal deficit was already 6.8 % of GDP in 2021-22. Keeping in view the demand deficiency resulting from job loss, growing unemployment, and rising poverty, one can argue for higher fiscal deficit, But the fiscal deficit is much higher than the desirable norm of 3%. Again, high fiscal deficit may also crowd out private investment. Further, high fiscal deficit might adversely impact global rating which matters a lot for attracting foreign direct investment. Moreover, higher fiscal deficit would push debt-GDP ratio which is already nearing 90%.\n\n\n\nIn a situation such as above, the government should explore raising tax-GDP ratio which is low at 18% in comparison with most major emerging economies-Brazil, China and South Africa- with tax-GDP ratio in the range of 22-28%.\n\n\n\nImplementation of a direct tax code could simplify the tax system, minimize litigation and broaden tax base by way of eliminating exemptions. Streamlining tax administration using new technologies and minimization of tax arrears would also be helpful. Wealth tax should be levied on the ultra-rich whose accumulation is shooting up. Again, the current GST design is faulty. The GST Council should be persuaded to replace it by a flawless GST which could boost income and export as also tax buoyancy. Similarly, targeted expenditure would help pruning and eliminating wasteful expenditure thus enhancing expenditure effectiveness.\n\n\n\nIn short, the issues needing Finance Minister’s attention are complex and too many while resource available to deal with them is scanty. Focusing on optimal resource mobilization and prudent resource allocation on issues that would promote sustainable and inclusive growth will be the way forward.\n\n\n\nSource: Mainstream, 28 January 2022" }, "httpBodyByteSize": 73488, "httpBodyPageTitle": "Pressing Issues before Budget 2022-23 – The India Policy Peak" } }, "karenvandenbroeck.be": { "/": { "date": "2026-02-07T02:42:49Z", "httpProtocol": "h2, tls/1.3", "httpStatus": 200, "ipAddress": "2a00:1c98:1000:11a1:0:2:553f:e916", "ipASN": "Combell NV", "ipCountry": "Belgium", "httpHeaderHash": "IHDIYMSWCSNX2SKI4J7CXEMUEM4KPLIS", "httpHeaderTechnologies": [ "WordPress", "PHP", "MySQL", "Nginx" ], "httpHeaderUrls": [], "httpHeaderByteSize": 602, "httpBodyHash": "T4QB7I7ISSZCXIGBFJKSME54ZLVGP5Q2", "httpBodyTechnologies": [ "Google Tag Manager for WordPress:1.22.3", "jQuery", "Retina.js:6.8.3", "Google Analytics", "Google Tag Manager", "Redux Framework:4.2.7", "OWL Carousel", "Yoast SEO:26.9", "PHP", "Bootstrap", "MailChimp", "Contact 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